Week 9: Reducing Hate Crime I — Contact · LENS preview
Department of Political Science
School of Social Sciences and Philosophy
Trinity College Dublin
A proposal for an empirical study (2,500–3,000 words):
You do not need to carry out the full study. Deadline: Fri 11 Dec, 11:59 pm.
A typical table of contents for the research paper might look like this:
Pulse: June 2016 massacre at Pulse, an LGBTQ+ nightclub in Orlando
Post-Pulse respondents more supportive of same-sex marriage
The prosocial shift is short-lived, consistent with the “fickle” FPVR prediction
Top: post-Pulse cuts implicit and explicit anti-gay bias (D-score, straight bias, heterocentrism) across bandwidths.
Bottom: that reduction holds for ~50 days, then fades. Same “fickle” pattern as SSM support
Critique/Open questions?
Local, low-salience crimes by out-group members can spark majority retaliation (Riaz et al. 2024), while majority prosociality toward minorities seems to need highly salient events (Roman and Thompson 2024).
Synthesis
In pairs (≈5 min): place today’s readings. Any earlier required readings that also fit?
[discussed in class]
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
What is intergroup contact/parasocial contact, and under what conditions does each reduce prejudice?
[discussed in class]
How does social contact reduce prejudice? What are the mechanisms?
[discussed in class]
Is there contact that backfires? What kind?
[discussed in class]
HBS experiments: pairs who shake hands cooperate more and reach better joint deals than pairs who do not.
Schroeder et al. (2019)
Does Salah fulfill the criteria for successful parasocial contact?
✓ Repeated exposure
✓ Positive/likable portrayal
✓ Salient out-group identity
Context: share saying Islam clashes with British values rises through 2015–17, then eases slightly.
After Salah joins, Merseyside hate crimes fall ~16% below the synthetic (imputed) counterfactual.
Merseyside’s post-treatment drop stands out against placebo units (other police stations), not a generic UK trend.
Decline is specific to hate crimes. Other Merseyside crime types do not show the same pattern.
Liverpool fans’ anti-Muslim tweets fall ~50% below the imputed path after Salah arrives (3.8% vs 7.3%).
Liverpool’s ATT is more negative than placebo clubs. The effect is concentrated among LFC fans.
Religiosity cue raises pro-Muslim/“Islam compatible” attitudes. Weaker or null on commonality and immigrants.
Experimenter demand effects: respondents infer the hypothesis and answer in the way they think the researcher wants.
“participant awareness of the purpose of the study can result in inaccurate self-reporting about prejudice.”
— Scacco & Warren (2018)
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
Do you think this survey experiment is vulnerable to experimenter demand, and why?
Do you think this survey experiment is vulnerable to experimenter demand, and why?
[discussed in class]
Scope condition: the subset of cases/conditions under which a theory applies.
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
In the case of Salah, many potentially favorable circumstances for parasocial contact might have driven the results. What do you think are these possible scope conditions?
In the case of Salah, many potentially favorable circumstances for parasocial contact might have driven the results. What do you think are these possible scope conditions?
[discussed in class]
[discussed in class]
[discussed in class]
Open Questions/Critique
Does this experiment fulfill the criteria for successful intergroup contact?
✓ Equal status
✓ Common goals
✓ Cooperative environment
✓ Institutional support
On-field: more likely to train with Muslims, vote a Muslim for sportsmanship, and sign up for a mixed team next season. Off-field: little change for a Mosul restaurant visit or a mixed social event.
How does Mousa (2020) measure if competition created hostility?
Yellow/red cards as a proxy for on-pitch aggression:
→ Competitive contact here does not look like backlash/escalation on the pitch.
Open Questions/Critique
POU44653 · Week 9 · LENS preview