Week 9: Reducing Hate Crime I — Contact
Department of Political Science
School of Social Sciences and Philosophy
Trinity College Dublin
A proposal for an empirical study (2,500–3,000 words):
You do not need to carry out the full study. Deadline: Fri 11 Dec, 11:59 pm.
A typical table of contents for the research paper might look like this:
Pulse: June 2016 massacre at Pulse, an LGBTQ+ nightclub in Orlando
Post-Pulse respondents more supportive of same-sex marriage
The prosocial shift is short-lived, consistent with the “fickle” FPVR prediction
Top: post-Pulse cuts implicit and explicit anti-gay bias (D-score, straight bias, heterocentrism) across bandwidths.
Bottom: that reduction holds for ~50 days, then fades. Same “fickle” pattern as SSM support
Critique/Open questions?
Local, low-salience crimes by out-group members can spark majority retaliation (Riaz et al. 2024), while majority prosociality toward minorities seems to need highly salient events (Roman and Thompson 2024).
Synthesis
In pairs (≈5 min): place today’s readings. Any earlier required readings that also fit?
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
What is intergroup contact/parasocial contact, and under what conditions does each reduce prejudice?
Intergroup contact (Allport, 1954)
Face-to-face contact across group lines can reduce prejudice when it meets the right conditions:
Parasocial contact (Schiappa et al., 2005)
Mediated contact with out-group celebrities or characters can likewise reduce prejudice toward the group as a whole when it involves:
How does social contact reduce prejudice? What are the mechanisms?
Is there contact that backfires? What kind?
HBS experiments: pairs who shake hands cooperate more and reach better joint deals than pairs who do not.
Schroeder et al. (2019)
Does Salah fulfill the criteria for successful parasocial contact?
✓ Repeated exposure
✓ Positive/likable portrayal
✓ Salient out-group identity
Context: share saying Islam clashes with British values rises through 2015–17, then eases slightly.
After Salah joins, Merseyside hate crimes fall ~16% below the synthetic (imputed) counterfactual.
Merseyside’s post-treatment drop stands out against placebo units (other police stations), not a generic UK trend.
Decline is specific to hate crimes. Other Merseyside crime types do not show the same pattern.
Liverpool fans’ anti-Muslim tweets fall ~50% below the imputed path after Salah arrives (3.8% vs 7.3%).
Liverpool’s ATT is more negative than placebo clubs. The effect is concentrated among LFC fans.
Religiosity cue raises pro-Muslim/“Islam compatible” attitudes. Weaker or null on commonality and immigrants.
Experimenter demand effects: respondents infer the hypothesis and answer in the way they think the researcher wants.
“participant awareness of the purpose of the study can result in inaccurate self-reporting about prejudice.”
— Scacco & Warren (2018)
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
Do you think this survey experiment is vulnerable to experimenter demand, and why?
Do you think this survey experiment is vulnerable to experimenter demand, and why?
Attitude shifts may be persuasion or performing tolerance.
→ Why the paper’s behavioral evidence (hate crimes, tweets) matters: harder to fake.
Scope condition: the subset of cases/conditions under which a theory applies.
Turn to a neighbor (≈4 min):
In the case of Salah, many potentially favorable circumstances for parasocial contact might have driven the results. What do you think are these possible scope conditions?
In the case of Salah, many potentially favorable circumstances for parasocial contact might have driven the results. What do you think are these possible scope conditions?
“I am a German when we win and an immigrant when we lose.”
“When things were going well, … they were calling me Romelu Lukaku, the Belgian striker. When things weren’t going well, they were calling me Romelu Lukaku, the Belgian striker of Congolese descent.”
“You get a bit older and you realise that if you’re playing badly that’s when media starts saying ‘Nigerian-born’… when you do well you’re British; when you’re not doing so well you’re the Nigerian.”
Colin Kaepernick: kneeling during the U.S. national anthem (from 2016) against racial injustice and police violence
Open Questions/Critique
Does this experiment fulfill the criteria for successful intergroup contact?
✓ Equal status
✓ Common goals
✓ Cooperative environment
✓ Institutional support
On-field: more likely to train with Muslims, vote a Muslim for sportsmanship, and sign up for a mixed team next season. Off-field: little change for a Mosul restaurant visit or a mixed social event.
How does Mousa (2020) measure if competition created hostility?
Yellow/red cards as a proxy for on-pitch aggression:
→ Competitive contact here does not look like backlash/escalation on the pitch.
Open Questions/Critique
No meaningful prejudice reduction from UYVT, mixed classes, or mixed partners. UYVT shows small increase in negative attributes among Christians.
No contact effects on endorsement of positive out-group attributes. UYVT shows small negative effects among Christians.
Bipolar “thermometer” ratings (lazy–hardworking, etc.), not stereotype checklists. Same story: no contact gains; tiny negative UYVT effect among Christians.
Why might it be easier to change behavior than attitudes?
Open Questions/Critique
Internal validity
Did the treatment cause the outcome in this study?
→ Is the causal claim secure here?
External validity
Do the results generalise beyond this study?
Gerber & Green (2012): ask whether these resemble the real world —
Randomisation buys internal validity; it does not guarantee external validity.
Design a hypothetical study testing a (para)social contact intervention for reducing prejudice and discrimination? Present it as a research poster.
Week 10 (Mon 16/Wed 18 Nov): reducing hate crime II — persuasion
POU44653 · Week 9