Electoral Responses to Local Cooperations with Radical-Right Parties
IAST Lunch Seminar, Toulouse
Philipp Heyna, Violeta Haas, Hanno Hilbig, Tim Wappenhans
May 22, 2025
Support for Far-Right Parties
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Source: Rooduijn et al. (2023)
Cordon Sanitaire
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Cordon sanitaire during a cholera epidemic in Romania, 1911
Cordon Sanitaire Under Strain in Germany
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AfD MPs after their votes swing a CDU motion for tougher migration rules, January 2025
Public Response in Germany
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250,000 people protesting in Berlin on February 2, 2025
Cordon Sanitaire Under Strain in Spain
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Vox enters regional government with conservative PP in Castilla y León, March 2022
Public Response in Spain
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Source: Turnbull-Dugarte (2024)
Why We Should Care
Breaks in isolation normalise and strengthen radical-right parties (RRPs) by eroding the stigma that once surrounded them.
(Mudde, 2019; Valentim, 2024)
How mainstream parties break the cordon sanitaire:
- Programmatic convergence
- Executive coalitions
- Legislative cooperation
Programmatic Convergence
Can mainstream parties win voters by accommodating RRP positions?
- Can win back anti-immigration voters while repelling pro-immigration voters (Chou et al., 2021; Haas et al., 2023)
- Net effects vary across party camps; mainstream left parties may gain electorally, while the mainstream right might not (Spoon and Klüver, 2021; Hjorth and Larsen, 2022)
- Can increase support for RRPs by heightened issue salience and legitimization of far right discourse (Krause et al., 2023)
Executive Coalitions
What are the consequences of including RRPs in executive office?
- Leads to mainstreaming and policy moderation of RRPs (Axelsen, 2024)
- Can increase support for RRPs, while not affecting support for mainstream parties (Jacobs et al., 2024)
- Effect depends on the party’s position in coalition; RRPs suffer losses when joining as junior partners (Riera and Pastor, 2021)
Legislative Cooperation
What do we know about legislative cooperation?
- Rural districts, in particular, are at the forefront of cooperation (Schroeder et al., 2025)
- Happens where center-right parties are in opposition or lead deologically mixed coalitions (Heinze, 2022)
Local Politics as Laboratories of Norm Defiance
Prior work concentrates on programmatic convergence and executive coalitions at the national level.
Why the cordon sanitaire is more likely to be broken at the local level:
- Weaker party cues
- Lower media scrutiny
- More pragmatism, less ideological conflict
The Realities of Local Politicians
“Local politicians must balance ideological principles with harsh financial conditions and political realities, all while being closely connected to the community and the citizens impacted by their decisions.” (Esaiasson & Licht, 2024)
Local Politics as “Managerial Democracies”
- Issue scope: many local problems lack clear ideological valence (Oliver et al., 2012; Peterson, 1981)
- Home style: close geo and social ties lower information asymmetry. Reputation hinges on visible, concrete performance (Fenno, 1978)
- Fiscal constraints: Higher-level budget rules for local-level politics limit room for ideological projects.
- Media focus: Local outlets emphasize service failures over abstract ideological debates (Ellger et al., 2024)
Adherence can be Costly
In local councils, where elected officials must routinely deliver public goods, upholding a cordon sanitaire can impose costs:
- Poor local service delivery drives support for RRPs (Dickson et al., 2024)
- RRPS strategically undermine local public goods provision (Wappenhans, 2025)
- Refusing cooperation can stall public goods provision
- Cooperation may improve service delivery but erodes normative boundaries
What does this mean for RRPs electoral outcomes?
➕ |
Cooperation normalizes RRPs as legitimate partners. |
➕ |
Cooperation on pragmatic issues could increase the RRPs’ perceived competence in new issue areas. |
➖ |
Cooperation makes voters view mainstream parties as responsive, reducing the appeal of RRPs. |
➖ |
Cooperation on pragmatic issues reduces the salience of more divisive ideological topics (e.g. immigration). |
➖ |
The RRPs’ anti-establishment appeal weakens as it is perceived as part of the political system. |
Visibility Matters
Magnitude of any electoral response depends on how visible cooperations are. Voters can only react if they are aware of the cooperations.
- High visibility amplifies whichever mechanism dominates
- Low visibility weakens the effect
Case
East-German municipality-level cooperations with the AfD
- Most cooperations with CDU, SPD, & FDP
- Dense enough to estimate average effects
- Rare enough that most municipalities remain untreated
- Homogeneous comparison groups
- More similar in terms of socio-economic, demographic, and political characteristics
- Local elections (other than Berlin) occur around the same time, in five-year intervals
Data Overview
- Outcomes: vote shares & turnout for municipal elections in 2014 & 2019 (GERDA + 2024 updates) (Heddesheimer et al., 2025)
- Treatment: 24,000 Google‑scraped press items covering cooperations
- Mechanism: 180,000 GPT-4o classified local news articles (party portrayals, issue salience, and cooperation narratives)
What do we mean by “cooperation”?
- Voting Proposal: mainstream councillors back AfD motions or their own pass thanks to AfD swing votes.
- Voting Candidate: mainstream councillors back AfD nominees or candidates win via AfD swing votes.
- Public endorsement: mainstream actors openly welcome cooperation.
- Joint faction: joint factions or electoral lists containing AfD and mainstream members.
- Other: e.g. jointly suspending council session.
How we Detect Cooperations and Visibility
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→ 121 cooperations in 46 municipalities between 2019 and 2024
Where Cooperation Happens
How Mainstream Parties Cooperate
What Cooperations are About
Design 1: Two-Period Difference-in-Differences
\[
Y_{it} = \alpha_i + \gamma_t + \tau \bigl(T_i \times \mathbf{1}[t=2024]\bigr) + \varepsilon_{it}
\]
- \(Y_{it}\): vote shares/turnout in municipality \(i\) at election year \(t\)
- \(T_i = 1\) if \(i\) experienced local AfD cooperation after 2019 election
- Compare 2019 → 2024 changes in treated vs. controls
Why only two periods?
- Not all parties manage to field candidates for municipal elections
- Only 11 treated municipalities with AfD candidates before 2019.
- Design 1 uses only two periods, but the full 46 treated municipalities.
Assumption: Parallel trends in the absence of treatment
Design 2: Synthetic Difference-in-Differences
\[
\{\hat{\tau}, \hat{\alpha}_i, \hat{\gamma}_t\}
\;=\;\arg\min_{\tau, \alpha_i, \gamma_t}
\sum_{i,t} \Bigl(Y_{it} - \alpha_i - \gamma_t - (T_i \times \mathbf{1}[t=2024])\,\tau \Bigr)^2\,\hat{\omega}_i\,\hat{\lambda}_t
\]
- Re-weights and matches pre-exposure trends to weaken parallel trend assumption (Arkhangelsky et al., 2021)
- But: Requires at least 2 pre-treatment periods
→ Design 2 uses all periods, but only 11 treated municipalities
Main Results
AfD-CDU Cooperations only
Testing the Mechanism
- We scrape 180,000 local news articles that mention the AfD (2019‑24)
- GPT‑4o coding, using a structured prompt, labelling each article on:
- Issue topic (18 categories)
- AfD portrayal (outsider ↔︎ normal)
- Tone toward AfD (positive / neutral / negative)
- Mentions of mainstream parties + competence/pragmatism cues
- Merge with events by mapping local outlets to municipalities using newspaper coverage data
Mechanism Evidence
➖ |
Cooperation makes voters view mainstream parties as responsive, reducing the appeal of RRPs. |
↑ |
pragmatic mainstream frames |
➖ |
Cooperation on pragmatic issues reduces the salience of more divisive ideological topics (e.g. immigration). |
↓ |
immigration coverage |
➖ |
The RRPs’ anti-establishment appeal weakens as it is perceived as part of the political system. |
↑ |
AfD portrayal as normal. |
Conclusion
- Local cooperation with RRPs reduces support in next local election
- Effect strongest for more visible cooperations
- No effects on center-right parties, positive tendency for center-left parties
Normalization Beyond the Ballot Box
Non-electoral effects of normalizing RRPs are well-documented:
- Welfare costs (Funke et al., 2023)
- Eroding buerocratic capacity (Bellodi et al., 2024; Gratton & Lee, 2024)
- Out-group violence (Romarri, 2020; Dancygier, 2023; Riaz et al., 2024; Mueller and Schwarz, 2021, 2023)
Local Narratives of Pragmatism
“There is no Democratic or Republican way of cleaning the streets.”
Fiorello La Guardia, former mayor of New York City.
“In my town, there are no red, green, or black potholes. There is one pothole, and people simply expect us to take care of it.”
Michael Brychcy, former mayor (CDU) of Waltershausen.
“Not all questions are ideological, and this is all about ordinary practical matters in a municipality. There, you can collaborate with all parties.”
Jeppe Jonsson, Moderate Party representative of a Swedish municipality.
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Summary Statistics
Event Study
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sDiD Weights: Donor Pool
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Jackknife Resampling
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Regression to the Mean & State-Election FEs
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